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Donald Trump’s choice for vice president could either make or break his chances in the 2024 election.


Donald Trump, per the polls, stands a fine chance of winning against a bleeding, beleaguered and terminally confused Joe Biden in November. (And that seems likely to stick despite his recent conviction in the disgracefully political Alvin Bragg trial.)

But he still has one huge decision left to make: his pick for VP.

It’s always been about adding to your appeal, though for much of US history, it was just picking someone who’d add regional balance — then be forgotten until the next election.


Former President Donald Trump speaking at a press conference at Trump Tower on May 31, 2024.
Former President Donald Trump speaking at a press conference at Trump Tower on May 31, 2024. Robert Miller

(That’s why FDR’s first veep John Nance Garner famously said the job wasn’t worth a bucket of warm . . . spit).

But it’s different in the modern era of mass communications: Now the No. 2 is about, above all else, fine-tuning your image.

Ronald Reagan tapped George H.W. Bush to unify the party and address concerns that he was an extremist; Bill Clinton picked Al Gore to show he was serious about being a moderate Democrat.

George W. Bush tapped Dick Cheney, and Barack Obama chose Joe Biden, to assure voters looking for the new prez to be advised by an experienced Washington hand.

On the other hand, we’re still not sure why Biden tapped Kamala Harris, except maybe as impeachment insurance, plus the way Democrats now obsess over checking diversity boxes.

Trump faces another factor.

If he wins, it’ll be for just four more years, so he’ll want a VP who can win the 2028 race on his or her own and keep his policy legacy moving forward.

That is: Don’t make the same mistake as Biden.

The Donald is getting plenty of advice on this front, including from the big donors now flocking to his cause.

Charlie Gasparino says names floated at a pow-wow last Thursday include (beyond those we’ll mention below) Sens. Marco Rubio, Tim Scott, J.D. Vance and Tom Cotton — which prompted Trump to note, “We got a lot of good people, good people, and they’re stuck with Kamala Harris.” Indeed.

Most crucially, though, while the right VP choice won’t win over The New York Times, he or she can absolutely help with still-undecided voters.

A figure like Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin, for example.

A GOP exec in a bluish state, he’s proven again and again he knows how to win against the headwinds, advancing sensible economic ideas and battling woke insanity.

He’s also a more traditional Republican pol than Trump is: a smooth professional who might help activate moderates and donors.

Also possible: Rep. Elise Stefanik, especially if he’s serious about winning New York.

She’s proven herself to be a fierce fighter of substance, notable most recently for leading the way in exposing the grievous failings of American higher education.

North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum (now an energy adviser on Trump’s campaign) would be another intriguing choice: A self-made tech billionaire in a deep-red state, he’s been a big fighter against Biden’s demented energy policies and open-borders insanity.

And Trump’s most serious primary opponent, Nikki Haley, could also be a strong pick.

Trump himself admits her ability: She was his UN ambassador.

Indeed, she has a demonstrated career of success at the federal and state level and supplies foreign-policy chops plus major cred with the GOP establishment.

The fact that she (like Burgrum) was recently an opponent shouldn’t matter.

It didn’t stop Reagan, and Trump prefers diversity of thought among his top advisers — letting them debate so he sees a solid range of options.

And that she was his last primary opponent left standing makes her the most likely “party uniter” — the obvious choice if he wants to go for a “too big to rig” ticket.

Right now, Trump needs more money and a stronger appeal to independent and moderate voters.

Each of these four helps on those fronts.

Let him choose carefully, and wisely: America’s future (and his own political hopes) depends on it.



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