Hochul’s New Subway Safety Initiative Fails to Address Violence and Crime Issues

In the 16th century, King Henry IV assured his people in France that they would have “a chicken in every pot” — now, Governor Hochul is committing to placing two police officers on every overnight subway train.

This initiative is the latest in a series of attempts by Hochul to tackle subway crime, none of which adequately address the root issues of the system.

During her recent State of the State address, Hochul announced, “We will place an [NYPD] officer on every single train, overnight — from 9 p.m. to 5 a.m.”

The program officially commenced on Monday night, with 70 officers riding the subway lines.

This initiative will necessitate at least 300 shifts each night, and Hochul has added another 750 officers to cover stations both day and night.

This can work: History has shown it’s feasible.

Back in 1965, violent crime began to infiltrate the previously safe subway system.

Responding to growing concerns over crime, Mayor Robert Wagner mandated a police presence in every train and station from 8 p.m. to 4 a.m.

The outcome was impressive — a 58% reduction in nighttime felonies.

That low overnight crime rate persisted until the mid-1970s when budget cuts led to reduced police patrols.

On the surface, there’s reason to anticipate a similar outcome.

Criminals often consider the presence of a police officer as a deterrent.

For those suffering from mental health issues, an officer can intervene before erratic actions escalate to violence.

Indeed, of the 43 subway homicides since March 2020 — including one of two deaths from arson — 21 took place between 9 p.m. and 5 a.m.

However, policies aren’t implemented in isolation.

One challenge in applying a 1960s-era strategy: Wagner was actively expanding the transit police force by adding 800 officers, reaching a total of 3,200 by 1968.

While he did rely on overtime initially, he had a plan to bolster police numbers.

Conversely, Hochul’s proposal is wholly dependent on overtime — at a time when the NYPD is already stretched thin — as transit police currently amount to only about 2,500.

Moreover, unlike in the 1960s, officers now operate in pairs.

Overtime comes with a hefty price tag.

Hochul has allocated $154 million for a duration of six months, with half funded by the state and half by the city.

This translates to over $800 per officer shift.

Officers on overtime can become fatigued.

Although it’s possible to manage sleepless nights occasionally, consistently doing so can degrade performance quality.

It remains uncertain whether 300 paired officers can effectively cover all nighttime trains.

The state indicates that 150 trains operate overnight, but public records fail to confirm this figure.

Furthermore, what is the procedure when an officer needs to make an arrest and leaves the train?

Officers prefer to handle summonses and arrests outside of a moving train to avoid chaos in a confined space.

Neither Hochul nor Mayor Adams has proposed increasing the NYPD personnel count.

Current numbers hover around 34,000, which is 6,000 fewer than at the turn of the millennium.

While Commissioner Jessica Tisch is reassigning desk-bound personnel to patrol duties, such individuals may not be best suited for on-the-ground enforcement.

Even Hochul acknowledges, “This is a six-month strategy.”

What follows after that?

Recall, this is Hochul’s third initiative regarding subway crime.

In October 2022, faced with a spree of four subway murders during her election campaign, she announced a “surge” of police, also financed through overtime.

A year later, following another set of four murders within a brief period, she deployed the National Guard at stations.

Everyone understands that with a police officer present, fewer crimes will occur at that moment.

However, what is the long-term outlook?

Subway violence has remained significantly above pre-2020 averages for five years now.

This can be attributed partly to changes made since Wagner’s era: back then, when police apprehended a suspect, that individual would stay arrested — either in custody awaiting prosecution if they couldn’t afford bail, or in prison if found guilty.

Currently, arrests happen continually, but suspects often avoid incarceration until they cause serious harm.

Another factor is the widespread closure of mental health facilities, which commenced in the 1960s but accelerated during the 1970s.

In addition, drug use, which can worsen mental health issues, was discouraged back then, unlike today’s approach of decriminalizing and legalizing marijuana.

Some subway crimes, like random shoving incidents, are so erratic that it’s questionable whether an officer in a nearby subway car could have prevented them.

Debrina Kawam was killed in a fire set by a drug-affected migrant just after 7 a.m., outside the hours of these new patrol shifts.

It’s commendable that Hochul seeks to revisit a solid idea from the 1960s.

However, without making strides towards adopting some of the pre-1970s philosophies again — such as ensuring criminals are incarcerated and severely mentally ill individuals are managed effectively — it risks becoming merely a nostalgic endeavor.

Nicole Gelinas is a contributing editor for the Manhattan Institute’s City Journal.