How Trump Can Assist Israel in Targeting Iran’s Vulnerable Nuclear Sites

Joe Biden’s flawed exit from Afghanistan continues to overshadow his presidency.

His domestic approval ratings never rebounded, while foreign adversaries interpreted his ineptitude as an opening to test US interests.

Donald Trump will find himself in a rare position to do the opposite at the beginning of his second term — a type of “reverse Afghanistan” that could astonish the world with the effective use of American strength — by partnering with Israel to eliminate Iran’s nuclear program.

Thanks to Israel, Iran is currently on the back foot.

Its most prominent proxy, Hezbollah, has lost much of its power, and its key ally, the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad, has been devastated by Israeli air efforts.

Regarding Iran itself, an Israeli strike in late October decimated its advanced air defenses, leaving the nation vulnerable to subsequent attacks. Iran’s nuclear sites are now wide open.

Not only are Iran’s defenses in ruins, but so is the credibility of its longstanding promise to respond to any aggression against its nuclear facilities with a regional war.

The second-strike capability once posed by Hezbollah’s extensive rocket arsenal is effectively gone. Iran’s own critical missile force launched two substantial waves at Israel and achieved minimal impact — and that was before Israel’s October operation successfully diminished Iran’s missile production capabilities.

Israel accomplished all this without igniting the widespread conflict the Biden administration had long dreaded.

However, Iran’s newfound vulnerability presents a significant risk: With its conventional deterrence dismantled, the regime could feel pressured to pursue a nuclear path — a possibility its leaders are currently discussing openly.

It doesn’t require much effort.

Iran is perilously close, just days away from generating enough highly enriched uranium for a single bomb and mere weeks from amassing enough for a small arsenal.

Transforming that material into a functional weapon could take between two to eighteen months.

Compounding the issue, this development could transpire in secrecy, potentially escaping global notice until it’s too late to intervene.

While US and Israeli intelligence believe they could detect such a transition, their track record in forecasting when countries breach nuclear thresholds is not particularly strong.

In essence, the moment to dismantle Iran’s nuclear program is now.

The chance to execute a successful strike while avoiding broader conflict is at its peak — and the risk remains that further delays will provide Iran the time needed to achieve nuclear breakout.

Trump may be tempted to spend the early months of his administration reestablishing a “maximum pressure” campaign against Iran and initiating a new phase of nuclear diplomacy, but the stakes are high.

The US’s history of negotiating with Iran to halt its nuclear ambitions has been an unbroken tale of failure.

The rulers of Iran have demonstrated adeptness in deception and delaying tactics.

A prime example is the JCPOA, the 2015 Obama-era accord that Trump abandoned in 2018.

That deal took years to negotiate and merely provided a temporary halt to Iran’s march toward nuclear capability.

Trump should not let this unique opportunity for decisive action, created by Israel’s military achievements, slip away.

A coordinated US-Israeli strike would enhance the efficacy of the operation.

The United States’ unmatched capabilities and firepower could be crucial in targeting Fordow, Iran’s most deeply buried enrichment facility.

At a minimum, Trump should provide Israel with the essential weapons and platforms to accomplish this.

Despite Biden’s recent announcement of an $8 billion arms package, his detrimental hold on supplying Israel with specific munitions necessary for striking Iran persists, including 500-, 1,000-, and 2,000-pound bombs.

Trump should expedite these deliveries immediately.

Trump should also approve Israel’s long-standing request to obtain the GBU-72, the most formidable bunker-busting bomb in the US arsenal, compatible with Israel’s F-15 jets.

Furthermore, he should expedite Israel’s request for at least two KC-46A mid-air refueling tankers, ensuring that the full extent of its air power can be employed for the 2,000-mile round trip from Israel to Iran.

It’s reported that Israel won’t have access to these aircraft until 2027 — yet the US boasts about 90 in active service, producing about two per month.

Lastly, Trump needs to clearly convey that there will be “serious consequences” should Iran make the grave mistake of retaliating against Israel or assaulting our Gulf Arab allies’ vulnerable urban centers or energy assets.

By partnering with or at least supporting Israel in dismantling Iran’s nuclear facilities, Trump can accomplish what previous administrations promised but failed to deliver.

By acting in early 2025, Trump will not only eliminate the threat posed by a nuclear-armed terrorist regime.

He will also set a standard of American power that sends a stabilizing message of deterrence resonating worldwide — greatly benefiting US interests during his presidency.

John Hannah is a senior fellow at the Jewish Institute for National Security of America, where Michael Makovsky is president and CEO.