Put an End to Tehran’s Nuclear Threat Once and For All
The White House described the initial round of discussions between American and Iranian officials in Oman as “very positive and constructive.”
This is encouraging news — but only if the aim of these negotiations is to truly end, not just defer, Iran’s nuclear ambitions.
For the talks to be genuinely constructive, they must focus on preventing Iran from inciting future conflicts in the Middle East and exporting terrorism worldwide.
The goal should be to build upon Israel’s military triumph over Iran and to usher in a new era of regional stability and long-term security for the United States.
The previous nuclear agreement — the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action — merely postponed Iran’s capability to produce the highly enriched uranium necessary for nuclear weapons.
It failed to eliminate any enrichment facilities, to inhibit Iran’s development of intercontinental ballistic missiles, or to confront its covert nuclear warhead projects.
The fact that Iran has enriched sufficient uranium to create five nuclear weapons in just one week highlights the complete ineffectiveness of the JCPOA.
Beyond enabling Iran to remain a threshold nuclear power, the JCPOA also provided Iran with billions in sanctions relief and lucrative business contracts.
A significant portion of that funding was funneled to Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis.
The catastrophic war instigated by these proxies in October 2023 was largely financed by the JCPOA.
Yet, Israel triumphed over Iran, destroying its air defenses and neutralizing its regional allies.
Today, Iranian influence is drastically diminished compared to its pre-October 2023 state.
Israel now has the capacity to target Iranian nuclear facilities with near impunity.
It is no surprise, then, that Iran has embraced talks with Special Presidential Envoy Steve Witkoff, and it would not be unexpected if Tehran attempted to prolong negotiations to restore its Russian ground-to-air systems.
The mullahs could also aim to delay discussions until October when the JCPOA’s snapback UN sanctions provision on Iran expires.
Ultimately, what Iran urgently seeks is another nuclear deal.
Such an agreement, even if slightly more stringent than the JCPOA, would allow Iran to reestablish its defense capabilities and reinstate its proxies to their previous strengths, surrounding Israel once again with hostile armies and a multitude of rockets.
No one should expect Israel to remain passive and wait for another attack.
A reimagined JCPOA-type agreement would set the stage for the next conflict and hinder future peace efforts.
Instead of reconciling with a diminished Israel, Saudi Arabia would be more inclined to strengthen ties with a revitalized Tehran.
Rather than establishing a restored Pax Americana in the Middle East, the region might fall under the sway of Iran’s powerful backers, Russia and China.
This dire scenario could be averted through military intervention: A single night of operations by America’s strategic bombers, each deploying multiple bunker-busting munitions, could completely annihilate all of Iran’s nuclear facilities.
With its Russian-made anti-aircraft defenses in shambles and lacking modern fighter aircraft, Iran would have no means to retaliate.
Despite the warnings sometimes issued in Washington, Iran has no capacity to wage war against the United States.
President Donald Trump has consistently pledged to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, if necessary by military action.
He has deployed two US aircraft carrier strike groups and squadrons of strategic assets to the Arabian Sea, sending an unmistakable message to the Iranians that America is serious.
However, Trump, who prides himself on resolving conflicts, wishes to explore all diplomatic avenues first.
From an American viewpoint, this approach makes sense: Present the Iranians with an earnest opportunity to negotiate in good faith.
For these talks to succeed, however, the objectives must be explicit.
Iran’s enrichment facilities and its stockpile of ICBMs must be verifiably dismantled. Moreover, Iran’s role as a primary contributor to Middle Eastern violence and its position as a global state sponsor of terrorism must be eliminated.
Throughout these negotiations, strict timeframes must be enforced; Iran cannot be permitted to procrastinate.
A credible military option — from both American and Israeli forces — must always remain viable.
Iran can “thrive,” as Trump envisions, and transform into “a wonderful, great, and happy country,” but only if it ceases to pose threats to its neighbors.
Iran can flourish, but not at the expense of American — and global — security.
Michael Oren, former Israel’s ambassador to the United States, is the founder of the Israel Advocacy Group and author of the Clarity Substack.