US Urged to Provide Ukraine with Weapons for Offensive Strikes within Russia to Change the Course of the War

The Arsenals of Treasuries will soon be open again on Capitol Hill.

However, Russia and its Arsenals of Evil – North Korea and Iran – are currently outmatching the Arsenals of Democracy in Ukraine.

At considerable political risk for House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.), the United States House of Representatives finally set aside partisan gamesmanship last Saturday and took necessary action – voting to approve funding for Ukraine.

The Ukraine Security Supplemental Appropriations Act passed with a vote of 311-112.

Now, the responsibility lies with President Biden and his national security team to end the ongoing war in Ukraine.

This will require crafting and articulating a plan for Zelensky and his generals to achieve victory – a task the White House has failed to do effectively so far.

America’s absence in leadership over the past six months has put Ukraine in a dangerously vulnerable position. Facing shortages of artillery and air defense ammunition, frontline forces had to resort to mobile defense tactics, exchanging space for time.

While Washington engaged in politics, Ukraine’s energy infrastructure and civilian centers came under relentless and devastating aerial bombardment from Russian drones and missiles.

Furthermore, Russian forces have been advancing westward in the Donbas region.

If Biden does not pivot from “defending Ukraine” to ensuring Ukraine has offensive capabilities to defeat and expel Russia, the recently allocated funds from Congress will only buy time.

As a result, more Ukrainian soldiers and civilians will perish with no end to the conflict in sight.

The $61 billion allocated to Ukraine will help stem losses on the front lines by providing crucial funding for defense ammunition (small arms, anti-armor, artillery, and air defense).

However, this does not equip Ukraine with the capacity to intercept Russian forces and their equipment before they reach the battlefield.

Without the ability to interdict, Ukraine cannot create the necessary space to maneuver during their next counteroffensive against Russian defenses.

While urgent air defense munitions are necessary, intercepting missiles and drones over Ukraine only neutralizes individual threats without impacting the weapon systems launching them.

Ukraine requires precision deep strike capabilities that can extend into Russia to destroy missile and drone launch sites, their personnel, and associated facilities.

This includes targeting Russian airfields where aircraft are deployed to deliver cruise missiles.

Congress must ensure that the $61 billion package does not perpetuate a cycle of defensive actions only.

This strategy keeps the conflict localized, favoring Russian strengths in infantry, artillery, and missiles, and drones.

The introduction of ATACMS and the German-made Taurus cruise missile could tip the balance.

Section 505 of the bill addresses ATACMS, stating that “the President shall transfer long-range Army Tactical Missile Systems to Ukraine to assist in defense and achieving victory against Russia.”

However, the White House has expressed reservations about providing ATACMS munitions to Ukraine. The prohibition on striking Russian targets outside of Ukraine has been in place since the invasion, even as Kyiv uses its own drones to target deep within Russia.

The U.S. even modified the HIMARS systems given to Ukraine to prevent firing long-range missiles into Russia, inadvertently offering sanctuary to Russian troops and weapons.

The Biden Administration has hesitated to deploy extended-range ATACMS munitions on multiple occasions, succumbing to escalation paralysis.

Will the dire situation in Ukraine now prompt a change in approach?

Kharkiv City and Chasiv Yar are likely the next cities on Russia’s list of targets.

The time between approval of funding and delivery of munitions to the front lines may ultimately decide victory or defeat.

Relying on just-in-time logistics is not a viable strategy in war.

It’s time for the Biden Administration to overcome escalation fears and commit to achieving victory in Ukraine – and Johnson, having taken significant risks for the cause, must hold the president accountable.

Col. (Ret.) Jonathan Sweet served 30 years as a military intelligence officer. Mark Toth writes on national security and foreign policy.